The rise of Beppe Grillo

On July 1, 2014, the Italian comedian Giuseppe ‘Beppe’ Grillo spoke to European Parliament in Strasbourg, France. About a month earlier, 17 disciples of his populist, Euro-skeptic movement, known locally as M5S, had been elected to represent Italy in the E.U., and Grillo took the occasion to introduce himself.

“My presence here already shows a puzzling fact,” he began. “The shocking fact is that I am here. I’m a comedian.”

Grillo is a captivating orator. His hands chopped the air in symphony with his rising and falling voice. Speaking in Italian, he breathlessly complained about the complexity of the European system, about its fealty to banks, its reluctance to aid southern nations with the surge of refugees. “I don’t want to let my children live in this world,” he said, steadying himself on the arm of Nigel Farage, the driving force behind Brexit, seated to his right. “That’s why I’m here and why I changed my job and also changed my mental structure to come here and not make you laugh, not to make jokes. I am here to speak to you seriously.”

He always appears to be one irritation away from yelling. It’s clear why this man is now Italy’s most popular politician.

During the 1980s, Grillo’s stinging political satire upset the establishment to such an extent no one dared host him. He toiled in obscurity for almost 20 years until he came roaring back in 2005 with a hot malice against entrenched politics. With television appearances no longer an option, he crowdfunded full-page ads in Italian and international newspapers attacking parliamentarians and national leaders.

That audacious act catapulted him back into the spotlight. Time named him one of its European Heroes that year. Over a decade later, Grillo is all over TV. Except now his critique of political leaders isn’t limited to satirical programs. He’s the leader of an insurgent political movement that is also Italy’s most well-supported political party.

The 5 Star Movement (Movimento 5 Stelle) is a populist political movement with a complex set of positions. Whereas Marine Le Pen’s National Front in France and Geert Wilders’ Freedom Party in the Netherlands have ideologies steeped in far-right populist rhetoric, the M5S is more of a paradox. It borrows from the right and the left, but is neither; nor is it a centrist party.

As I recently wrote for ThinkProgress, M5S positions on the environment might mirror those of a progressive American politician like Bernie Sanders. The five stars represent the movement’s five central tenets: the environment, public water, sustainable transportation, internet access and sustainable development.

These priorities often have them labelled as a progressive populist party — echoing descriptions of Sanders’ campaign for the American presidency. But there’s a side to the M5S that is harder to read. For some, it is ambiguous. Others would describe it as sinister.

“A number of their policies are vague or pander to both sides of the aisle,” Matteo Garavoglia, a nonresident fellow with the Center on the United States and Europe at the Brookings Institution, told Latterly. “It makes sense because politically they are neither right nor left, and they have support from the most diverse social groups and are also able to gain votes from traditional parties across the spectrum.”

For Grillo, the M5S was a second chance. His sharp commentary of Prime Minister Bettino Craxi, the Socialist Party leader, went too far for the premier’s taste, and the state broadcaster, RAI, banned him from its airwaves in 1986. A harsh sentence in those pre-internet days.

It wasn’t until 2005 that he would reemerge and set the stage for what would become a movement driven by his charisma and no-holds-barred critique of the traditional power brokers. Grillo crowdfunded two newspaper ads: one in the Italian daily La Repubblica, which called for the resignation of Italian Central Bank Governor Antonio Fazio, and one in the International Herald Tribune that demanded all parliamentarians with criminal records be barred from holding elected office.

The movement launched in 2009, led by Grillo and Gianroberto Casaleggio, a web strategist. Tired of corruption, tax evasion and a political system that struggles to enact any kind of progress, Grillo and Casaleggio captured the imagination of the populace — particularly young adults in a country where youth unemployment is at around 35 percent. They used the web to stoke disenchantment and distrust of an ineffectual establishment. The pair initially organized political meetings on Meetup.com and brought together like-minded activists. They then began fielding candidates for elections on anti-corruption platforms and advocated a reduction in parliamentarians’ salaries.

In 2012, they won mayoral races in three smaller towns, but the first major victory came in Parma, a provincial capital. Just a year later, the M5S was Italy’s most voted for party in Italy (not including votes coming from abroad) in local elections. They’ve since maintained around 30 percent of the nation’s support. In 2016, Virginia Raggi won the mayoral race in Rome, deposing the Democratic Party from a post it had held for 11 of the last 16 years.

Casaleggio died in 2016 from a stroke, and Grillo, now 68, has become the face of the movement. His blog, beppegrillo.it, is one of the 10 most read websites in the world, according to The Guardian, and he uses it to push his political agenda — sometimes even posting fake news stories peddled by Kremlin propaganda outlets.

Grillo is an outspoken proponent of direct democracy, but his words seem to contradict his actions. His authoritarian tendencies resemble many of the most dangerous figures of the European far right.

Disagreements with Grillo’s positions on issues have ended poorly for many in the movement. At least 37 members have either quit or been kicked out since the general elections in 2013. For instance, Senator Serenella Fucksia was accused of not repaying parliamentary stipends, but perhaps her gravest error was to vote against the movement 253 times, according to the Italian news wire ANSA. She was voted out of the party in 2015 via an online ballot on Grillo’s blog. The movement’s positions are actually just Grillo’s positions, and anyone who doesn’t like it is reeled in or jettisoned.

But getting a grip on Grillo’s policies can be a difficult task. The M5S promotes nonviolence and opposes foreign interventions. It has been outspoken against NATO’s intervention in Libya and opposes American involvement in Syria under any circumstances. It believes Italy should take a more centrist approach when it comes to balancing American and Russian relations — a stark contrast to the fraternity shared by former American President Barack Obama and Italy’s last prime minister, Matteo Renzi. They’ve also expressed a heavy dose of Euro-skepticism.

On issues related to immigration and migrants, Grillo’s comments are either menacing or ignorant, and it depends on your interpretation. He’s cited as using xenophobic dog whistles and regularly shifts away from issues that might be in support of people of color.

“The M5S is hard to finger,” said Camilla Hawthorne, a PhD candidate in geography at U.C. Berkeley who has written on racism in Italian society. This is true for most issues but especially pertinent on their policies related to immigrants, second-generation Italians and racism. “They’re either silent or opposed to [issues like] reform of citizenship, claiming it is a distraction from the needs of ‘real Italians.’”

In 2012, the Italian parliament was set to vote on changing the law on birthright citizenship. In Italy, citizenship is granted based on lineage as opposed to place of birth. A famous example was the case of Italian soccer player Mario Balotelli. Balotelli was born in Palermo and grew up in Brescia. He was adopted by a Jewish couple and speaks with a thick Brescian accent. His first professional club was Internazionale and he made appearances at 17 years old, leading to calls that he appear for the Italian national team. But because his parents were Ghanaians, he was still not a citizen. Balotelli had to wait until he was 18 to gain nationality.

When time came to vote on altering citizenship requirements to make it easier for people like Balotelli to gain nationality, Lega Nord, the hard-right nativist party, voted no. The M5S abstained. Their argument is that such issues are a distraction from the real issues that impact real Italians.

“Real Italians are a nebulous category of people,” Hawthorne said. Similar language has been used by right-wing politicians in other countries.

Immigration to Italy was sparse until a few decades ago. In the last 20 to 30 years, Italy has witnessed a rapid increase in immigration from around Europe as well as North and Sub-Saharan Africa. Romanians are the largest group of immigrants in Italy, though Moroccans, Egyptians, Nigerians and a number of other nationalities are well-represented.

Despite the increase in migrants and refugees, as well as second-generation Italians who are the children of immigrants, the Italian government’s response has been lacking. The state has failed to create programs to properly integrate foreigners or, more importantly, to help Italians accept the new face of their country.

“The seeds of challenges related to immigration go back 30 years,” said Garavoglia, of the Brookings Institution. “Italy is paying the price because integration policies have been somewhere between ineffective and inexistent. Far too little has been done.”

The recent increase in immigration, widely regarded by Italian media and politicians as the “migrant crisis,” has left a bitter taste for many across Italian society — even those who don’t consider themselves racist. It doesn’t help that the issue has been mishandled by successive governments from across the political spectrum.

The M5S has jumped on this popular sentiment and leveraged it to gain support from traditional or fringe right-wing movements. After the M5S performed poorly in local elections June 11, Raggi sent a letter to the Interior Minister asking for a moratorium on relocating more migrants to her city, calling it “risky.”

“[The M5S] are subtly anti-immigrant,” Lorenzo De Sio, an associate professor in the Department of Political Science at LUISS University Rome, told Latterly. “They are prodding in a politically correct way against immigrants.”

The latest incident was a conspiracy theory brought up by a prosecutor in Sicily. The prosecutor claimed humanitarian NGOs are working with human traffickers to bring in migrants and refugees to Italy in an effort to further destabilize Europe. Experts say little to no proof exists to perpetuate this tall tale. Nonetheless, M5S members jumped on these claims.

“Every now and then Grillo releases a statement against immigration that is highly heated and very dangerous and approximate to a pure form of racism,” Marcello Maneri, a professor of sociology at Milan-Bicocca, told Latterly.

In 2015, Grillo associated immigrants with vermin and filth when he said Rome could soon be “swamped by rats, rubbish and illegal immigrants.” Shortly after London elected its first Muslim mayor, Sadiq Khan, Grillo drew controversy for a blatantly Islamophobic statement. Grillo asked when Khan would blow up Westminster.

The interesting paradox here is that many M5S supporters likely disagree with Grillo’s positions on immigration and refugees, and it likely won’t impact the party’s success at the polls.

“A lot of people will not agree, but they won’t lose votes,” Maneri said. “Those people will vote for M5S because they are against corruption, and they are the new against the old political class. They don’t care about their position against immigrants.”

If anything, the M5S could gain new voters from the right who are also sick of the political establishment. The most powerful right-leaning party is Forza Italia, the party of former prime minister and owner of soccer club A.C. Milan, Silvio Berlusconi. Berlusconi’s myriad affairs and scandals, however, have left the party a shambles and ripe for the picking.

An election is set for 2018, and M5S is expected to have a strong performance, leading in many opinion polls. In 2013, M5S finished second, but Italy’s convoluted electoral system favors traditional parties and the movement ended up with only 109 out of 630 deputies in parliament. This time around they are expected to take more seats.

But to rule the government will be another task entirely. As other populists have quickly found out, riling up anger against problems ailing society is easier than solving them. In Rome, Raggi has run into troubles and criticism for failing to fulfill lofty campaign promises, including relocating migrants from North Africa and Ethiopia and solving a longstanding garbage crisis.

The M5S has also vowed not to form any alliances with establishment political parties. Part of its legitimacy comes from labelling itself as an outsider, uncorrupted movement. But Italy’s parliamentary system is complicated, and it’s impossible that the M5S will win enough seats to govern without forming a coalition. This will be a challenge for whichever leader succeeds Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni into power.

“Their strength now could be a weakness once they are in the government,” Garavoglia said. He foresees a few options, though none is ideal for the M5S.

The first would be to forge a coalition with the Democratic Party of Gentiloni and his predecessor (who is also forging a comeback for the premiership) Renzi. This is the “most unlikely,” Garavoglia said, due to the high level of animosity between M5S and the Democrats. The second choice would be to partner with Forza Italia. The problems here would stem from sparse shared ideology or policy. Forza Italia also struggles to pull seats.

Lastly, it could join up with Lega Nord. This union would be reminiscent of the few Sanders supporters who switched their allegiance to Trump. But the only agreement between the two groups would be their rejection of the establishment and their interpretation of “real Italians.” Furthermore, support for Lega Nord is minimal, and it’s unlikely they’ll be able to bring any significant number of votes to impact legislation.

It might be odd to expect the seemingly progressive M5S to align with a right-wing party like Lega Nord, but it wouldn’t be the first time. M5S members of European Parliament are in a block of parties to which the U.K. Independence Party is also a member. UKIP was the driving force behind Brexit, and its former party leader — turned Trump campaign adviser and Fox News contributor — Nigel Farage has received praise from Grillo in the past. Grillo also backed Trump in the U.S. elections last year.

“All coalition possibilities will be uncomfortable,” Garavoglia said.

Whoever they align with, if anyone, experts believe support for the M5S is not necessarily binding beyond the upcoming election. Other parties have lost votes because of distrust and disenfranchisement. The populace is tired of corruption, tax evasion, clientelism and a lack of career opportunities for the youth.

Italians feel they’ve tried everyone else and nothing has worked out the way they want, Garavoglia said. Now, it’s the M5S’ turn to try. It could certainly send a shockwave to Italy’s traditional parties and the European Union’s establishment. It could also be a dangerous prospect for people of color and the integrity of the Eurozone. The populist wave may have failed to uproot France, Austria and the Netherlands, but the threat it poses to Europe isn’t over yet.

Originally published in Latterly Magazine (cover story).

With countering migration in mind, Italy to deploy troops to North Africa

The Italian parliament approved measures to increase the number of troops in North Africa earlier this month in an effort to combat migration and terrorism in the region.

After the approval Jan. 17, Italian officials said troops would focus on countering terrorism and ensuring security. Doubts, however, remain over the true motive, considering recent frantic efforts to prevent refugees and migrants from setting sail for Italian shores.

“It is clear that Italy’s foreign policy priorities have shifted and managing migration flows from Africa through the Maghreb is now the most pressing issue,” Riccardo Fabbiano, a senior Middle East and North Africa analyst with the Eurasia Group, told Al-Monitor. “While remaining loyal to its NATO commitments, Italy is trying to prioritize the issue of migration, which is already a central theme in the current electoral campaign.”

Italy said it would remove 200 troops from Iraq and half its Afghanistan operation from 1,500 troops to 750 in order to increase its North Africa operation. An additional 30 troops will go to Libya, taking the total troop count to 400, while 60 new troops will go to Tunisia and 470 will go to Niger where they hope to combat human traffickers.

The deployment of Italian troops in Tunisia has been requested by the government there to help with training and advising the Tunisian military. Tunisia is still weary of militant attacks after three incidents in 2015-16: the Bardo Museum attack, the Sousse beach attack and the cross-border Ben Gardane attack.

Next door, in Libya, the current 370 Italian troops have been training the Libyan coast guard. Migration is a major electoral issue, and Italy is prepping for parliamentary elections on March 4. While the troop deployment has been advertised to help fight terrorism, the Italian motives seem to be intertwined with migration as well.

“Is there any clear distinction to be made between counterterrorism and migration? I don’t think there truly is one,” Jalel Harchaoui, a doctoral candidate in geopolitics at Paris 8 University and a frequent commentator on Libyan affairs, told Al-Monitor. “Both phenomena tend to come hand in hand with anarchy. Right now, minds are particularly focused on migration. But in 2015 and 2016, the focus was on Daesh [the Arabic acronym for the Islamic State] and jihadist groups in general. One thing is certain: If the overall security situation worsens in Libya, both banes will experience an uptick. That is the fear.”

Over 100,000 refugees or migrants arrived in Italy in each of the last two years. Last year, the total was 119,130 while in 2016 the number was significantly higher at 181,436, according to The Guardian. The majority set sail from the Libyan coast after traveling through the Sahel. The Italian government has worked with and built relationships in recent years with both competing governments in Libya over trying to halt the large number of people from taking to the sea. Rome tends to favor the United Nations-backed government of Fayez al-Sarraj, based in Tripoli.

“Specifically on Libya, the marginal increase in the size of the mission is nothing new — this mission’s aim is twofold: guarding a military hospital in Misrata and training the Libyan coast guard,” Fabbiano said. “Nothing changes with this increase. What changes, though, is how this military presence should play a more effective role in stemming migration, thanks to the parallel missions in Niger and Tunisia.”

In Libya, however, the increase of troops hasn’t been received particularly well. The collective memory in Libya still recalls the Italian colonization that lasted from 1910 to 1947. When Italy deployed naval vessels off the Libyan shores in August last year, Libyans hit the streets, calling on the Government of National Accord (GNA) to step down. Posters circulated of the Libyan resistance hero Omar al-Mukhtar, who battled Italian colonization in the 1920s.

Conspiracy theories are circulating, according to a field worker with an international nongovernmental organization working on the ground in Libya who wasn’t cleared by the organization to speak to the media. There is a widely spread theory: Italy wants to reoccupy Libya, the source said, with local media presenting the topic from a negative prospective.

Internal politics in Libya may allow such rumors to spread, too. The GNA seems to be the favorite of Italy at the moment, but the Libyan National Army, which rules the eastern part of the country and is led by Gen. Khalifa Hifter, is increasingly in vogue with international rulers. The competing governments are locked in a chess match for power and legitimacy over Libya. Meanwhile, Libyan leaders have often had to walk a fine line between seeking international help and legitimacy and maintaining popular support on the domestic front.

“Italy has displayed a tendency to strike deals with the GNA in Tripoli and also local groups across the western half of Libya,” Harchaoui said. “Hifter has a political incentive to criticize Rome’s action in Libya.”

But with the elections approaching, these policies could change based on the winner. Currently, Silvio Berlusconi’s center right coalition — who supported the increase in troop deployment to the region — is thought to have the best chance at winning an outright majority or forming a successful parliamentary ruling bloc. The country’s most popular single party, however, is the Five Star Movement. While the movement voted against the deployment — arguing it wouldn’t allow the new government to set a foreign policy agenda of its own — they have also repeatedly voted against forming coalitions with other parties and are unlikely to receive enough votes to rule on their own.

“Nobody knows what Rome’s new Libya policy will [be] after the elections,” Harchaoui said. “And nobody knows what the migrant flow will look like when the winter season is over.”

Originally published in Al-Monitor